The Scottish parliamentary election in Might noticed Reform UK go back the similar collection of MSPs to Holyrood – 17 – as Scottish Labour. This outstanding consequence – successfully from a status get started – confirmed that the birthday party is now a drive to be reckoned with in Scotland simply as in different portions of the United Kingdom. However the place did it draw in votes north of the border?
My research examines constituency-level patterns in beef up for Reform UK, when put next with the opposite major events. It specializes in 3 constituency traits: deprivation ranges, if it is categorised as city or rural, and centre–outer edge location. The purpose is to spot wide territorial patterns in birthday party efficiency, moderately than to attract company conclusions about particular person electorate.
The figures mentioned listed below are moderate vote stocks throughout constituencies inside of each and every class. In different phrases, they display the common birthday party lead to, as an example, extra disadvantaged constituencies when put next with much less disadvantaged constituencies. This way comes in handy for mapping the territorial profile of birthday party beef up, however it must be complemented with individual-level knowledge prior to drawing company conclusions about voter motivations or social traits.
The primary trend considerations deprivation. Reform UK beef up seems to be upper in essentially the most disadvantaged 3rd of constituencies than the least bit disadvantaged 3rd. In this measurement, Reform appears nearer to the SNP-Inexperienced and Labour trend than to the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, whose beef up is extra concentrated in much less disadvantaged constituencies.
This doesn’t imply that Reform electorate are essentially extra disadvantaged on the particular person point, as constituency-level knowledge can’t display this. However the mixture trend remains to be necessary. It means that Reform is appearing rather higher in puts the place socio-economic pressures are extra visual, and the place dissatisfaction with current political choices could also be extra pronounced.
Celebration beef up and socio-economic territorial divide
Reform carried out rather higher in spaces with visual socio-economic pressures.
Dr Davide Vampa, CC BY
The urban-rural trend issues to a particular Reform geography. Reform seems to accomplish very best in semi-urban constituencies, moderately than in essentially the most city or maximum rural spaces. This separates Reform from the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, who carry out extra strongly in rural constituencies. Additionally it is other from the SNP-Inexperienced vote, which is most powerful in city constituencies.
Semi-urban constituencies could also be politically necessary as a result of they incessantly mix proximity to main towns with a sense of distance from them culturally or socio-economically. Those spaces would possibly subsequently supply fertile flooring for events interesting to electorate in puts which are just about city centres, however don’t essentially proportion absolutely of their financial alternatives, public funding or cultural politics.
Celebration beef up and concrete–rural territorial divide

Reform carried out very best in semi-urban constituencies.
Dr Davide Vampa, CC BY
The centre-periphery divide provides every other layer to this image. Right here, centre-periphery refers to 3 sorts of space: Edinburgh and Glasgow because the core of the central belt (Scotland’s major inhabitants hall), different constituencies throughout the central belt however outdoor the two-city core, and spaces past the central belt. Reform plays higher right away outdoor the Edinburgh-Glasgow political core than inside of it.
This trend is once more unique. The SNP-Inexperienced vote is extra obviously concentrated within the core central belt, whilst the Conservatives are more potent in additional peripheral constituencies. The Liberal Democrats show a U-shaped profile around the centre-periphery divide, appearing rather neatly each in core and extra peripheral spaces.
Reform’s profile is other: it’s in most cases more potent within the outer edge of the central belt than within the outer edge of Scotland as an entire. On this sense, its geography isn’t merely one among rural or peripheral conservatism, however one among puts throughout the central belt however outdoor its core. In different phrases, just about the place political energy is focused, however no longer absolutely a part of it.
Celebration beef up and the centre-periphery divide

Reform’s vote was once sturdy in constituences that lie just about – however outdoor – the place energy is focused.
Dr Davide Vampa, CC BY
The distinction with the Conservatives is among the maximum necessary findings. Reform UK’s trend of beef up appears moderately other from the Conservative map. Whilst there could also be overlap between the 2 electorates, Reform does no longer merely reproduce the standard Conservative geography.
This issues as it demanding situations the concept Reform’s beef up in Scotland will also be understood merely as a Conservative splinter or substitute vote. Its territorial profile issues to a doubtlessly broader enchantment, in particular in additional disadvantaged and semi-urban constituencies.
General, the consequences recommend that Scottish birthday party festival is structured no longer handiest via ideology or nationwide id, but additionally via transparent socio-economic and territorial divides. The SNP-Inexperienced and Labour vote is extra city and central, with some energy in disadvantaged constituencies. The Conservative and Liberal Democrat vote is extra rural, peripheral and no more disadvantaged.
Reform UK occupies a particular place: extra disadvantaged than the Conservative map, extra semi-urban than rural, and more potent outdoor the core central belt with out merely replicating the geography of established unionist events.
Those findings stay initial. Nonetheless, the constituency-level proof means that any critical research of Reform UK’s efficiency in Scotland must take those territorial divides significantly.
A model of this text seems within the Scottish Election Research 2026.