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BQ 3A News > Blog > UK > Why it might be a large mistake for america to visit warfare with Iran
UK

Why it might be a large mistake for america to visit warfare with Iran

February 2, 2026
Why it might be a large mistake for america to visit warfare with Iran
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Stories of a rising US naval presence within the Gulf have precipitated hypothesis that america may well be getting ready for some other Center East warfare, this time with Iran.

The United States president, Donald Trump, has warned of “serious consequences” if Iran does now not comply together with his calls for to completely halt uranium enrichment, curb its ballistic missile program and finish give a boost to for regional proxy teams.

But, regardless of the acquainted language of escalation, a lot of what’s unfolding seems nearer to brinkmanship than preparation for warfare.

The United States president’s personal political historical past provides the most important place to begin for working out why that is. Trump’s electoral attraction, each in 2016 and once more in 2024, has rested closely on a promise to finish The usa’s “forever wars” and to steer clear of pricey in another country interventions.

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And Iran represents the very definition of any such warfare. Any all-out struggle with Tehran would virtually definitely be lengthy and drag in different international locations within the area.

It might even be onerous to succeed in a decisive victory. For a president whose political emblem is constructed on restraint out of the country and disruption at house, a warfare with Iran would contradict the central common sense of his international coverage narrative.

In the meantime Iran’s strategic posture is rooted in many years of getting ready for exactly this state of affairs. Because the 1979 revolution, Tehran’s army doctrine and international coverage were formed via survival within the face of possible exterior assault.

Moderately than development a standard drive in a position to defeat america in open battle, Iran has invested in uneven features: ballistic and cruise missiles, the usage of regional proxies, cyber operations and anti-access methods (together with missiles, air defences, naval mines, speedy assault craft, drones and digital battle features). Somebody who assaults Iran would face extended and escalating prices.

This is the reason comparisons to Iraq in 2003 are deceptive. Iran is bigger, extra populous, extra internally cohesive and way more militarily ready for a sustained war of words.

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An assault on Iranian territory would now not constitute the hole segment of regime cave in however the ultimate layer of a defensive technique that anticipates precisely any such state of affairs. Tehran could be ready to take in injury and is able to causing it throughout a couple of theatres – together with in Iraq, the Gulf, Yemen and past.

With an annual defence price range coming near US$900 billion (£650 billion), there’s no query that america has the capability to begin a struggle with Iran. However the problem for america lies now not in beginning a warfare, however in maintaining one.

The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan be offering a cautionary precedent. In combination, they’re estimated to have price america between US$6 and and US$8 trillion when long-term veterans’ care, hobby bills and reconstruction are incorporated.

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Those conflicts stretched over many years, time and again exceeded preliminary price projections and contributed to ballooning public debt. A warfare with Iran – higher, extra succesful and extra locally embedded – would virtually definitely apply a an identical, if now not costlier, trajectory.

The chance price of the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have been probably larger, soaking up huge monetary and political capital at a second when the worldwide steadiness of energy was once starting to shift.

As america all for counterinsurgency and stabilisation operations, different powers, significantly China and India, have been making an investment closely in infrastructure, era and long-term financial enlargement.

That dynamic is much more pronounced as of late. The world gadget is coming into a much more intense segment of multipolar competition, characterized now not most effective via army pageant however via races in synthetic intelligence, complex production and strategic applied sciences.

Sustained army engagement within the Center East would possibility locking america into resource-draining distractions simply as pageant with China speeds up and rising powers search larger affect.

Iran’s geographic place compounds this possibility. Sitting astride key international power routes, Tehran has the power to disrupt transport in the course of the Strait of Hormuz.

Even restricted disruption would pressure oil costs sharply upper, feeding inflation globally. For america, this could translate into upper shopper costs and lowered financial resilience at exactly the instant when strategic center of attention and financial balance are maximum wanted.

There could also be a threat that army force would backfire politically. In spite of vital home dissatisfaction, the Iranian regime has time and again demonstrated its talent to mobilise nationalist sentiment in keeping with exterior threats. Army motion may just beef up inner brotherly love, give a boost to the regime’s narrative of resistance and marginalise opposition actions.

Earlier US and Israeli moves on Iranian infrastructure have now not produced decisive strategic results. In spite of losses of amenities and senior body of workers, Iran’s broader army posture and regional affect have proved adaptable.

Rhetoric and discretion

Trump has time and again signalled his want to be recognised as a peacemaker. He has framed his Center East manner as deterrence with out entanglement, mentioning the Abraham Accords and the absence of large-scale wars right through his presidency. This sits uneasily along the chance of warfare with Iran, specifically the week after america president introduced his “Board of Peace”.

Donald Trump launching his ‘Board of Peace’ on the International Financial Discussion board in Davos, January 2026.
EPA/Gian Ehrenzeller

The Abraham Accords rely on regional balance, financial cooperation and funding. A warfare with Iran would jeopardise all of those. In spite of their very own competition with Tehran, Gulf states akin to Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar have prioritised regional de-escalation.

Fresh revel in in Iraq and Syria displays why. The cave in of central authority created energy vacuums temporarily stuffed via terrorist teams, exporting instability slightly than peace.

Some argue that Iran’s inner unrest items a strategic alternative for exterior force. Whilst the Islamic Republic faces authentic home demanding situations, together with financial hardship and social discontent, this must now not be perplexed with forthcoming cave in. The regime keeps tough safety establishments and constant constituencies, specifically when framed as protecting nationwide sovereignty.

Taken in combination, those components counsel that present US army actions and rhetoric are higher understood as coercive signalling slightly than preparation for invasion.

This isn’t 2003, and Iran is neither Iraq nor Venezuela. A warfare would now not be swift, affordable or decisive. The best threat lies now not in a planned determination to invade, however in miscalculation. Heightened rhetoric and armed forces proximity can build up the danger of injuries and unintentional escalation.

Averting that consequence would require restraint, international relations and a transparent popularity that some wars – then again loudly threatened – are just too pricey to struggle.

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