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BQ 3A News > Blog > USA > Gaza isn’t the primary time US officers have downplayed atrocities via American-backed regimes – genocide students discovered identical methods used from East Timor to Guatemala to Yemen
USA

Gaza isn’t the primary time US officers have downplayed atrocities via American-backed regimes – genocide students discovered identical methods used from East Timor to Guatemala to Yemen

August 7, 2025
Gaza isn’t the primary time US officers have downplayed atrocities via American-backed regimes – genocide students discovered identical methods used from East Timor to Guatemala to Yemen
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Since International Warfare II, the USA has time and again supported governments which have been committing mass atrocities, which might be outlined via genocide pupil Scott Straus as “large-scale, systematic violence against civilian populations.”

This contains U.S. enhance for Israel, which has remained constant in spite of President Donald Trump’s contemporary confrontation with High Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over whether or not Palestinians are being starved in Gaza.

We’re students of genocide and different mass atrocities, in addition to world safety. In our analysis for a drawing close article within the Magazine of Genocide Analysis, we analyzed respectable statements, declassified paperwork and media reviews throughout 4 circumstances that contain U.S. enhance for governments as they had been committing atrocities: Indonesia in East Timor from 1975 to 1999, Guatemala from 1981 to 1983, the Saudi-led coalition – referred to as the “Coalition” – in Yemen since 2015, and Israel in Gaza since October 2023.

We known six rhetorical methods, which might be tactics of speaking about one thing, utilized by U.S. officers to publicly distance the U.S. from atrocities dedicated via those that obtain its enhance.

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That is vital as a result of when American citizens, in addition to others all over the world, settle for such rhetoric at face price, the U.S. can handle impunity for its position in international violence.

Feigned lack of knowledge

When U.S. officers deny any wisdom of atrocities perpetrated via events receiving U.S. enhance, we name that feigned lack of knowledge.

As an example, after the Coalition bombed a faculty bus in Yemen, killing dozens of kids, U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Warren requested Gen. Joseph Votel whether or not the U.S. Central Command tracks the aim of the missions it’s refueling.

His reaction: “Senator, we do not.”

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This proclaimed lack of knowledge stands in stark distinction with well-documented Coalition warfare crimes since 2015. As Yemen knowledgeable Scott Paul put it, “No one can feign surprise when lots of civilians are killed anymore.”

Obfuscation

When proof of atrocities can now not be neglected, obfuscation is utilized by U.S. officers, who clutter the info.

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When Indonesian forces performed massacres in 1983, killing masses of civilians, the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta despatched a telegram to the secretary of state and a couple of U.S. embassies, consulates and missions wondering the reviews as a result of they’d “not received substantiation from other sources.”

In a similar fashion, throughout the genocide in Guatemala, following Efraín Ríos Montt’s a hit coup, U.S. officers skewed reviews of violence perpetrated via the federal government, as an alternative blaming the guerrillas.

‘I know that President Ríos Montt is a man of great personal integrity and commitment,’ stated U.S. President Ronald Reagan after assembly with the Guatemalan president in 1982.

In its 1982 record on human rights in Guatemala, as an example, the State Division claimed, “Where it has been possible to assign responsibility [for killings in Guatemala] it appears more likely that in the majority of cases the insurgents … have been guilty.”

But U.S. intelligence stated the opposite.

Reviews of state atrocities and abuses in Guatemala will also be present in U.S. intelligence paperwork from the Sixties onward. One 1992 CIA cable explicitly famous that “several villages have been burned to the ground” and that the “army can be expected to give no quarter to combatants and noncombatants alike.”

Negation

As proof of atrocities proceed to mount, in addition to proof of who’s accountable, U.S. officers have steadily became to negation. They deny no longer that U.S. support is being supplied, however somewhat that it used to be indirectly used within the fee of atrocities.

As an example, throughout Indonesia’s atrocities in East Timor, the U.S. used to be actively coaching participants of Indonesia’s officer corps. When Indonesian safety forces massacred as many as 100 folks at a cemetery in Dili in 1991, the George H.W. Bush management’s response used to be merely to mention that “none of the Indonesian military officers present at Santa Cruz had received U.S. training.”

Diversion

When public scrutiny of U.S. enhance reaches ranges now not simply brushed aside, U.S. officers would possibly flip to diversion.

Those are extremely publicized coverage changes that hardly ever contain vital adjustments. They steadily come with a type of bait-and-switch. It’s because the purpose of diversion isn’t to switch the conduct of the recipient of U.S. support; it’s simply a political tactic used to placate critics.

In 1996, when the Clinton management bowed to drive from activists via postponing small fingers gross sales to Indonesia, it nonetheless bought Indonesia US$470 million in complicated weaponry, together with 9 F-16 jets.

Extra not too long ago, responding to each congressional and public grievance, the Biden management paused the supply of two,000-pound and 500-pound bombs to Israel in Might 2024 – however simplest in short. All its different intensive guns transfers remained unchanged.

As exemplified via U.S. enhance for Israel, diversion additionally contains perfunctory U.S. investigations that sign worry with abuses, with out result, in addition to enhance for
self-investigation, with in a similar way foreseeable exculpatory effects.

Aggrandizement

When atrocities dedicated via recipients of U.S. enhance are extremely visual, U.S. officers additionally use aggrandizement to reward their leaders and paint them as worthy of help.

President Ronald Reagan in 1982 praised President Suharto, the dictator answerable for the deaths of greater than 700,000 folks in Indonesia and East Timor between 1965 and 1999, for his “responsible” management. In the meantime, Clinton officers deemed him “our kind of guy.”

In a similar fashion, Guatemala’s chief Ríos Montt used to be portrayed via Reagan within the early Eighties as “a man of great personal integrity and commitment,” being pressured to confront “a brutal challenge from guerrillas armed and supported by others outside Guatemala.”

Those leaders are thus introduced as the use of drive both for a simply motive or simplest as a result of they’re confronted with an existential risk. This used to be the case for Israel, with the Biden management declaring Israel used to be “in the throes of an existential battle.”

This aggrandizement no longer simplest morally elevates leaders but in addition justifies the violence they dedicate.

Indonesian President Suharto, left, visiting President Invoice Clinton in 1993, used to be praised via Clinton management officers as ‘our kind of guy’ in spite of being answerable for the deaths of greater than 700,000 folks in his nation.
Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP by means of Getty Photographs

Quiet international relations

After all, U.S. officers additionally steadily declare to be enticing in a type of quiet international relations, operating at the back of the scenes to rein in recipients of U.S. enhance.

Importantly, consistent with U.S. officers, for quiet international relations to prevail, persevered U.S. enhance stays important. Subsequently, persevered enhance for the ones committing atrocities turns into legitimized exactly as a result of it’s this courting that permits the U.S. to persuade their conduct.

In East Timor, the Pentagon argued that coaching greater “Indonesian troops’ respect for human rights.” When a U.S.-trained Indonesian army unit massacred about 1,200 folks in 1998, the Protection Division stated that “even if American-trained soldiers had committed some of the murders,” the U.S. will have to proceed coaching to “maintain influence over what happens next.”

U.S. officers additionally implied in 2020 that Yemenis beneath assault from the Coalition, led via Saudi Arabia, are advantaged via U.S. fingers enhance to the Coalition since the enhance gave the U.S. affect over how the fingers are used.

In terms of Gaza, U.S. officers have time and again referenced quiet international relations as selling restraint, whilst in quest of to dam different methods of duty.

As an example, the USA has vetoed six United Countries Safety Council resolutions on Gaza since October 2023 and has imposed sanctions on 5 Global Felony Court docket judges and prosecutors on account of arrest warrants issued in opposition to Netanyahu and previous Israeli Protection Minister Yoav Gallant.

Distancing and minimizing

U.S. officers have lengthy used various rhetorical methods to distance the rustic from, and decrease its contributions to, atrocities dedicated via others with U.S. enhance.

With those methods in thoughts, Trump’s acknowledgment of “real starvation” in Gaza will also be seen as a diversion from unchanged U.S. enhance for Israel as famine prerequisites in Gaza aggravate and Palestinians are killed whilst looking forward to meals.

From feigning lack of knowledge to minimizing violence and praising its perpetrators, U.S. governments and presidents have lengthy used misleading rhetoric to legitimize the violence of leaders and international locations the U.S. helps.

However there are two important parts that permit this framing to proceed to paintings: One is the language of the U.S. govt; the opposite is the credulity and apathy of the general public.

TAGGED:AmericanbackedatrocitiesdownplayedeastGazagenocideGuatemalaisntofficialsregimesScholarssimilarstrategiestimeTimorYemen
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